Keep your Obamacare powder dry, Mitch
LeRoy Goldman OPINIONJanuary 24, 2015
Ashville Citizen-Times
The
newly minted Senate Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), is an
insider’s insider. He’s been around a long time. McConnell was
first elected to the Senate in 1984. He is Kentucky’s longest
serving U.S. senator.
Last
year the Democrats believed that they just might send him packing.
They nominated Kentucky’s Secretary of State, Alison Lundergan
Grimes, and throughout most of the campaign the race was too close to
call. But, even with the active support of both Bill and Hillary
Clinton, Grimes proved no match for the wily McConnell. When she
refused to tell the voters for whom she had voted for President in
2008 and 2012, McConnell turned her into a punching bag. On election
night Grimes only received 41 percent of the vote.
In
his victory speech McConnell promised to end gridlock in the Senate.
He said the Senate would “return to regular order” when the 114th
Congress convened in January. And thus far he has been true to his
word. The Senate is now debating the Keystone XL Pipeline bill, and
McConnell is permitting the Democrats to offer amendments to the
bill. That is what regular order is all about, and that’s exactly
what McConnell’s predecessor, Democrat Harry Reid, would not allow.
The Senate will pass Keystone. It will be approved on a bipartisan
vote. Whether that vote will be sufficiently large to muster the 67
votes necessary to override a likely veto by president Obama is
uncertain and unlikely.
And,
if major bills like Keystone can’t be enacted because of veto after
veto, then we’re right back to gridlock. There is, however, a way
around the gridlock. It’s called Budget Reconciliation, and it was
created when the Congressional Budget Act was passed in 1974. The
budget reconciliation process is arcane and unknown to most
Americans. Understanding it requires venturing into the tall weeds
where Senate politics and Senate procedures intersect.
The
fundamental advantage that attaches to budget reconciliation is that
it enables the Senate to pass a piece of major legislation with only
a 51-vote majority. Thus, it precludes the minority party from
filibustering the bill to death. But there are significant
limitations on the use of Budget Reconciliation. It is limited to a
single measure, at the beginning of each year and that will require
McConnell to carefully choose among competing pieces of legislation.
In addition, even if a major piece of legislation clears Congress
under the expedited reconciliation process, the President still
retains the option of vetoing the legislation.
McConnell
faces a fateful choice. It appears clear that he will soon decide to
use budget reconciliation either to repeal much of Obamacare, or use
it to enact major tax reform. The case for tax reform is by far the
stronger. The Democrats blundered badly and unnecessarily in 2009
when they chose to make health care their central issue in the face
of an imploding economy.
Although
the economy has begun to rebound, there is still considerable malaise
in middle-class America. Wages remain stagnant, and far too many
Americans either have inadequate part-time work, or have stopped
looking for work altogether. Comprehensive tax reform can and should
be written in a way to directly alleviate these major economic
challenges facing the nation. Comprehensive tax reform is likely to
attract Democratic votes in Congress, maybe not many, but enough to
make the bill bipartisan. Thus, there is some chance that when
confronted with such a bipartisan bill that the president might sign
it into law. And, if he vetoes it, the GOP will have at least
demonstrated to the American people that it made a good faith effort
to deal with a major issue in a bipartisan manner.
On
the other hand choosing to waste budget reconciliation on the repeal
of Obamacare is a loser. The House has already voted to repeal or gut
Obamacare more than 50 times. Doing the same thing over and over
again and expecting a different result is a good working definition
of insanity. And there is good reason to believe that Obamacare’s
days are numbered anyway.
In
March the Supreme Court will hear oral arguments on King v. Burwell.
The case will be decided by this June. If Chief Justice Roberts joins
the four conservative justices and rules that Obamacare premium
subsidies cannot be provided in the 36 states that chose not to
establish a state exchange, Obamacare will implode.
Keep
your Obamacare powder dry, Mitch. Help is on the way.
Goldman
lives in Flat Rock. He was member of the federal government’s
Senior Executive Service for many years.
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