Call it America's second civil war
By
LeRoy Goldman
April 17, 2016
Do
you remember President John F. Kennedy’s call for diversity in his
commencement address at American University on June 10, 1963? Kennedy
proposed new talks with the Soviet Union aimed at reducing nuclear
testing. He said, “And if we cannot end now our differences, at
least we can help make the world safe for diversity.”
Today
we could benefit by applying the lessons of Kennedy’s call for
diversity and tolerance to the corrosive polarization that grips
American society and government. The Pew Research Center has been
meticulously documenting this growing schism for years.
Pew’s
research shows that more Americans than ever hold intensely partisan
political views. These partisans believe the opposing party’s
policies are so misguided that they threaten the nation’s
well-being. The 2016 race for the White House doubles down on this
counterproductive and dangerous partisanship.
Let’s
start with a notion that many will find really hard to accept,
especially those who are entrenched Republican conservatives and
those who are entrenched Democratic liberals.
Take
a deep breath and open your mind. Do you realize that Hillary
Clinton, Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders and Ted Cruz are far more alike
than they are different from one another? They are. The next
president, no matter which of the four, will have no real chance of
successfully implementing his or her agenda, and that assumes the
winner even has a coherent agenda. So far, all we have are vacuous
slogans like “Fighting For Us” from Clinton and “Make America
Great Again” from Trump.
The
similarity among these four Tweedledees and Tweedledums is real and
disqualifying. They all assume you and I are stupid enough to not
notice that they have no specific set of achievable policy proposals
to address the nation’s many domestic and international security
challenges.
And
worst of all, each of them seeks the presidency for personal gain
rather than for the opportunity it gives them to serve us. Were it
otherwise, they would be in overdrive telling us in detail what they
plan to do for us and, more importantly, how they would achieve it in
stalemated Washington.
None
of them deserves our vote.
None
of them will run a campaign that reaches out broadly to America. The
Democrats will attempt to win by relying upon their stalwarts in Blue
Missile Silo America — single women, African-Americans, Hispanics,
Jews, Muslims and LGBTs. The Republicans will rely on their stalwarts
in Red Missile Silo America — white men, married women, the tea
party and evangelicals. We have become a warring nation riven by
gender and race. It’s America’s second civil war.
If
Clinton or Sanders wins this November, the GOP-controlled House will
be the graveyard of major legislation sent to the Hill. If Trump or
Cruz wins, the Senate filibuster will produce the same deadly result.
It’s
vital to remember that this long-standing stalemate in Washington is
not inevitable. It’s not due to any fundamental flaw in the
Constitution. It can be fixed, but the fix must come from us, not
these Washington slugs.
Come
back with me now to the '70s, a time when Washington worked. I had
the privilege then to work in the Senate, so I can speak firsthand.
At the time, Congress was controlled by large Democratic majorities.
Prior to the 1976 election, we had to deal with Republican
presidents, Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford.
And
guess what? The Senate worked together with them cooperatively on
both domestic and foreign policy issues: clean air and water, the
creation of the Environmental Protection Agency, the war on cancer,
health manpower, the opening to China, the Anti-Ballistic Missile
Treaty and ending the Vietnam War.
How
did this happen? For openers, both parties on the Hill were
heterogeneous, not homogenous. While most Democrats in the Senate
were liberal, for every Kennedy and Walter Mondale there was a
conservative like John Stennis of Mississippi. While most Republicans
were conservative, for every Bob Dole and Barry Goldwater, there was
a liberal like Jack Javits of New York.
That
intraparty diversity made an enormous and beneficial difference. It
necessarily bred trust and compromise that transcended blind party
loyalty.
Moreover,
our standard operating procedure on all legislation was to work hand
in hand with the Republicans. Amendments they proposed in committee
or on the Senate floor that improved the legislation were willingly
accepted. Amendments that we could not accept were ones the GOP was
nonetheless permitted to offer during floor debate. Thus, use of the
Senate filibuster to block legislation was rare. It was never
employed on a health care bill out of my committee.
Simply
repeating what we’ve done for the past 20 years and expecting a
better outcome is madness. Americans must summon the courage to
reject their blue and red safe spaces before it’s too late.
This is my opinion ---- what do you think ?
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